Khondkar
Ibrahim Khaled
Inclusive economy is a national
obligation. All sections of people joined the war of liberation in 1971. Hence
our constitution declares that all citizens of Bangladesh are the owners of the
country. They deserve equal social, economic and political rights. Economic
inclusion of all citizens arises out of their constitutional rights. Financial
inclusion is not a favour. It is their right, secured through the war of liberation.
War of liberation provided four basic
principles which have been described as the basic principles of the state in
our constitution. These are Nationalism, Secularism, Democracy and Socialism.
Out of these, political basic principle is democracy while economic basic
principle is socialism.
Socialism was the basic economic
principle in 1972 constitution. In 1975, some anti liberation elements under
foreign patronization killed Bangabandhu and four national leaders who led the
liberation war and removed 'Socialism' from the constitution. Bangabandhu's party
Awami league gained three fourth majority in 2008 election and brought back ‘socialism’
as basic economic principle of the state. Some political leaders belonging to
different parties including Awani League, while speaking at seminars and talk
shows, opine that Bangladesh for all practical purposes, has adopted capitalism
while socialism remains in the constitution. Socialism and capitalism are poles
apart and contradictory to each other. How can they co-exist? This needs a
close examination. Socialism is for economic inclusion and capitalism stands
for concentration of wealth, resulting in social exclusion. Since socialism has
been adopted in the constitution as basic economic principle of the state, we
cannot practice or opt for capitalism, which contradicts our constitution. Some
political leaders including some Awami Leaguers openly argue that Bangladesh
has practically landed in a changed economic strategy and joined capitalist
platform. Let us examine their opinion.
Bangladesh has clearly opted for ‘free
market economy’ remaining faithful to 'socialism'. Market economy is a continuum,
containing may points in it. Extreme socialism stands at the left-most point in
the continuum. Humane socialism or welfare economy stands at the middle, while
capitalism stands at the right-most point. Socialism, welfare economy and
capitalism, all the three belong to market economy, but they are very different
from each other.
Our constitution uphold socialism as
basic economic principle, which necessarily means welfare economy. Communism or
extreme socialism requires the state to take-up the control of properties and
assets under state control and state allows citizens to use them as per need, assessed
by the state. But our constitution, under section-13, states that properties
shall be owned by the (i) state, or (ii) co-operatives or (iii) Individual
citizens. So our socialism really means 'welfare economy' as practised by some
of the Europian countries, particularly the Scandinavian countries. Welfare
economy, by concept and practice, use market economy as a tool of freedom as
well as inclusion. But capitalism provides extreme freedom, neglecting
inclusion. Hence, welfare economy contradicts capitalism. Some of our leaders
are under illusion that welfare economy and capitalism are same. In fact, both belong
to the market economy continuum, welfare economy at the middle and capitalism
at the right, yet contradicting each other on matters of inclusion and
concentration of wealth. Capitalism clearly stands for concentration,
consequently negating inclusion. On the other hand welfare economy (humane socialism)
advocates diversification of wealth, resulting in inclusion. Our constitution
stands for socialism as the basic economic principle of the state, which may be
explained as humane socialism or welfare economy, standing at the middle of ‘market
economy continuum’ implementing a model which ensures inclusion through
diversification of wealth and at the same time resisting high
concentration of wealth (i.e. capitalism). It is clearly evident that inclusion
is our constitutional obligation.
Let us try to understand how we can
proceed towards the obligation of inclusion. To achieve this objective, we need
appropriate policy, strategy, and implementation plan. It is a very hard task,
if we ponder over the present position of concentration of wealth. Financial
inequality is generally measured by Genie co-efficient which stood at .24 in
1974, .46in 2016 and .48in 2017. Inequality is growing at a fast rate and
stands at an alarming level. Social happiness indicators will be grossly
affected, if we fail to reduce inequality.
At this stage, half-hearted measures
will not yield result. Because, wealth is power. Few wealthy groups may counter
diversification measures, However, scope of this paper is limited to
accommodate digital financial services and allied areas. Without policy
commitment, only financial service measures may yield result modestly.
For financial inclusion, Banks, NBFIs
and micro-credit organizations may play vital roles. They may act in their
traditional way. They may also join the digital platform. Most of the banks and
NBFIs are now providing on line service throughout the country. Government
banks are lagging behind, but catching up quickly. All banks are expected to be
fully automated by next two years.
Most of the banks are providing ATM
services in the city areas. Service provider banks have formed a platform to
ensure that customers of all banks may use the ATM booths of any bank. Banks
may stretch ATM services in the non-urban and rural areas, if demands can be
created there with proper strategy of financial inclusion.
Opening and operation of bank branch
involve high expenses and therefore, prohibitive in the vast rural areas. This
is a big challenge for financial inclusion. Some innovative steps have been
taken by some banks to face this challenge. It includes Agent banking, phone
banking and low-cost operating centre. Low cost operating centre is yet to
become effective. Let us take stock of other two innovations.
Agent banking involves selection of
agents who will handle small transactions on behalf of a bank. Generally agents
have their own other business. They must enjoy good reputation in the area, so
that bank customers may have faith on them. Transaction ceiling is given
depending on their wealth and activity. Agents are connected with their
principal bank through phone system. Internet connection is also available with
some agents. Gradually, we envisage a platform of agents with digital system.
Now in Bangladesh, there are 13 crore
subscribers of mobile telephone. Cell phone is quickly transcending as a vital
instrument for financial inclusion. Since every adult citizen possesses a cell
phone, dramatic financial inclusion is possible through phone banking. Phone
banking has already opened a new era in spreading banking activities throughout
the country. Central bank has authorized a good number of banks to introduce
phone-banking through Agents. 2 banks are doing phone banking in a large scale.
Brac Bank and Dutch-Bangla Bank are pioneers. Other authorized banks are
following.
Last year, cell phone companies applied
to Central Bank for permission to go for phone banking. Licence to open cell
phone companies is given by BTRI who are not authorised to regulate financial
dealings. On the other hand, financial regulator Bangladesh Bank has no
authority to regulate phone companies. Hence Bangladesh Bank had no way but to
reject the proposal. Central Bank has entrusted these responsibilities on banks
only. Banks are operating through selected agents. Phone companies remain tied
with banks. This chain is being strengthened gradually towards achieving
financial inclusion.
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